The Guns of the South by Harry Turtledove

Author:Harry Turtledove [Turtledove, Harry]
Language: eng
Format: epub, pdf, azw3
ISBN: 978-0-307-79235-8
Publisher: Random House Publishing Group
Published: 2011-04-19T16:00:00+00:00

XI

The three Federal peace commissioners filed glumly into the Confederate Cabinet room. Lee, Judah Benjamin, and Alexander Stephens rose to greet them. Lee kept his expression sober as he sat, to avoid even the appearance of gloating.

“The people of the North have spoken,” Benjamin observed. His voice was suave, but that served only to plant the barb more deeply.

“Oh, go to the devil,” Edwin Stanton snarled. The Secretary of War looked tired and drained and sounded bitter.

“I admired President Lincoln’s statement of concession,” Lee said, trying still to soften the moment. “He was wise to urge your country to unite behind the new leaders the citizens chose: ‘with malice toward none, with charity for all.’ The phrase deserves to live.”

“Lincoln deserved to win,” Stanton retorted. “I’d sooner see Horatio Seymour making phrases for the ages.”

“So he may,” Alexander Stephens said. “Come next March 4, he will have his chance. I wonder whom he will name as his representatives in these discussions.”

“Perhaps no one,” William H. Seward said. The Confederate commissioners leaned forward in their chairs as the U.S. Secretary of State continued, “Perhaps we shall succeed in resolving all outstanding issues between us before President Seymour is inaugurated.”

“Lincoln could have resolved them at any time up to this point,” Lee said. “Indeed, his dilatory approach to these negotiations has upon occasion disappointed me.”

“It also cost him twenty-two electoral votes, as both Kentucky and Missouri favored Seymour,” Judah Benjamin added.

“Even if they’d both gone Confederate, it wouldn’t have been enough to turn the election, worse luck,” Ben Butler said after a quick calculation.

“As may be.” Seward waved a hand to put an end to side issues. “President Lincoln has directed me to inform you gentlemen that he is now willing to abide by the results of elections in the two disputed states, upon the model advanced by General Lee, and suggests as the date for said elections Tuesday, June 6, 1865. He also suggests that we fix ninety million in specie as the amount of composition due the Confederate States, half of said amount to be paid before March 4, the other half within thirty days after the elections in Kentucky and Missouri.”

“Well,” Judah P. Benjamin said. Lee glanced over at the Confederate Secretary of State with considerable respect—again, he had guessed which way events would go. “Well,” Benjamin said again, as if gathering himself. Finally he managed something more coherent: “Most constructive, gentlemen. I hope you will forgive us if we request an adjournment Until tomorrow so that we may consult with President Davis.”

“He won’t get more from us,” Stanton said gruffly. By his tightly clenched jaw, he regretted Richmond’s getting so much.

“No, not from you, certainly.” By stopping there, Alexander Stephens let the Federal commissioners worry about just how much Horatio Seymour might surrender to the South.

Lee broke in: “As Secretary Benjamin has said, this is a matter that requires the President’s decision. Shall we meet here again tomorrow at our usual hour?”

The men from the United States left the Confederate Cabinet room.

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